MFN status, lost in translation

"Given the political tumult and uncertainty on both sides of the border, it hardly seems the time to contemplate progress on India-Pakistan relations. "

The Hindu : Opinion / Op-Ed : MFN status, lost in translation: Hafiz Saeed, the infamous chief of the even more infamous Jamat-ud-dawa, the front of the Lashkar-e-Toiba, now banded together with 40 other like-minded groups and individuals as the Difa-e-Pakistan (Defence of Pakistan) Council, is stirring up passion against Pakistan's decision to accord India MFN status among other things.

In clash of institutions, Pakistan's Supreme Court sets the pace

"Supreme Court of Pakistan has taken up three important matters - memogate, Pak PM's contempt of court, military's accountability."

Each of these cases, unrelated at one level, are part of an extraordinary spectacle unfolding in Pakistan, unlike at any other time in its history, in which the main institutions are engaged in a mother of all clashes, each pulling in different directions as they attempt to redefine or reclaim their turf.  The Hindu : Opinion / Op-Ed : In clash of institutions, Pakistan's Supreme Court sets the pace

A meeting of minds between any of two of the three institutions might have ended the confrontation by now. Instead, there is a continuous attempt by each to wear down the other two through constant attrition. Predictably, it is the Supreme Court that has emerged the most confident in this war of nerves.

The ongoing tug of war in Pakistan has brought governance to a near standstill, sent the economy down the tube and left people weary of and depressed with the permanent crisis. 

The alternative to the slow boat of democracy in Pakistan is failure

"Before a democratic government can stabilise, the middle classes, schooled in the Pakistan Military Academy narrative, start aching for another saviour on horseback, but none exists."

The Hindu : Opinion / Op-Ed : The alternative to the slow boat of democracy in Pakistan is failure: General Zia-ul-Haq tried authoritarian rule, with dangerous personal Islamic vision. The narrative he chose to guide the state was incompatible with peaceful co-existence in the region and with democracy. It promoted jihadist militias and covert foreign adventures and undermined already weak democratic traditions and organisations. After he exploded, his vision continued inside a partly Islamicised, partly mercenary military high command and a spectacularly stupid public ideology that now floats somewhere between the Jamat Islami and the lunatic fringe.

If Zia-ul-Haq's Islamic vision were to be enforced at all, it would destroy the existing cultures of Pakistan and it would lead to an endless civil war and then to wider war in the region, undermining any possibility of serious economic development.

The fundamental problem with the army's vision and its "system" is that it repeatedly collapses before it can reach the Promised Land, each time leaving bigger problems behind. Then the "failed politicians" return, but without obtaining full power, especially over the army and its agencies. They are constantly harassed and "legacy problems" remain outside their purview, further undermining any possibility of real progress.

The question is not about democracy versus authoritarianism. It is about whether an "under-developed" state, such as Pakistan, can develop as a capitalist democracy without going through a fascist phase. It either stabilises as a democracy, or it violently fails.

Since there is NO good authoritarian alternative, it may be time to go the slow route of democracy!

A long, sad year after Salman Taseer's killing

The Hindu : Opinion / Op-Ed : A long, sad year after Salman Taseer's killing:

"Pakistanis must reflect on why so many of us are disposed towards celebrating murder, lawlessness, and intolerance."